Why I started JusticeSA
I started JusticeSA around a simple principle: Help disadvantaged South Africans according to actual disadvantage, measure whether policies work, treat individuals fairly, and progressively reduce reliance on racial classification.
South Africa's redress policies are justified on the basis that they advance equality. That led me to a simple question: after more than three decades, what do the measurable outcomes actually show?
I wanted to compare published population and wealth data, not slogans, and see whether present-day treatment still follows present-day disadvantage.
The JusticeSA research model compares the wealthiest 4.624 million white South Africans with the wealthiest 4.624 million non-white South Africans. Both groups therefore use the same selection rule and contain the same number of people.
In that model, Non-White Group is estimated to be about 36% wealthier per person than White Group, yet qualifying members of Non-White Group may still receive B-BBEE recognition while White Group is excluded from designated-beneficiary status because it is white.
This does not mean every non-white household is wealthier than every white household. That has never been the argument. The comparison is between group averages, just as national statistics routinely compare averages between groups.
The question is whether race alone should continue to determine eligibility for preferential treatment when the included group can, on the available model, already be wealthier on average than the excluded group.
B-BBEE does not give every qualifying person a fixed cash payment, and the available national data does not tell us exactly how much each household has gained from it. That gap in the evidence is important.
If a policy is defended because it promotes equality, the public should be able to see independent evidence showing who benefits, by how much, whether poor households benefit, and whether the policy is achieving its objective.
What JusticeSA stands for
JusticeSA is not about denying the injustice of apartheid or pretending that its consequences disappeared in 1994. It is about asking whether today's laws remain fair, proportionate and effective today.
I believe genuine disadvantage should be addressed. I also believe that a person's race should not become a permanent proxy for that person's economic circumstances when better, more precise measures of disadvantage are available.
Where remedial policies continue to use race, they should have transparent objectives, measurable results, independent review and a credible path toward a system that helps people because they are genuinely disadvantaged—not simply because of the colour of their skin.
The campaign asks four questions
The White Group / Non-White Group comparison is a transparent model based on published aggregate data. It is not a claim that every individual in one group is wealthier or poorer than every individual in another group, and it does not by itself prove that B-BBEE caused the wealth difference.